Prime Minister Shinzo Abe cerebrated the
fifth anniversary of his returning back to the administration in 2012 on
Tuesday. While he has been successful in maintaining his status with moderate
public support, his personal agenda to change the Constitution of Japan based
on popularity generated with economic growth is still on its way. Embracing a
hope to implement it, Abe is focusing on 2020, the year which he won for Tokyo
Olympic by chance, to activate new constitution to decorate his political legacy.
Abe’s economic policy called Abenomics has
been a tool for constitutional amendment, by which the people was supposed to
be paralyzed with improvement, or empty hope, for better life. Actually, Nikkei
Average was doubled from the beginning of the administration and economic
growth marked the second longest term in post-war era. However, individual
consumption does not show a remarkable growth. Real wage of ordinary workers
has rather declined for these five months.
Monetary policy still keeps on the easing
trend. Even how Bank of Japan led by Chairman Haruhiko Kuroda delivered various
unusual measures, including monetary easing on “different dimension,” negative
interest rates policy or manipulation of interest rate of long-term bonds, 2%
rise of inflation target has not been achieved. National debt is accumulated to
the level of ¥110 trillion by positive mobilization of Keynesian policy for
building infrastructure.
Although Abe Cabinet still enjoys
relatively high popularity as a five-year-old administration, it is still
unclear for Abe to be successful in constitutional amendment. Even though Abe
has two-third majority for the amendment in both Houses of the Diet, there is a
broad skepticism on his argument of changing Article 9, which is one of the
three major pillars of Constitution of Japan as well as respect for basic human
rights and civil sovereignty. While Abe hopes to submit a draft of new
constitution to the Diet next year, even LDP has not been able to achieve a conclusion.
Because his idea of the amendment will
undermine basic structure of the Constitution, Abe insists that he is dealing
with revolution with his agenda. But, even how he names his welfare policy
“Human Resource Revolution” or “Productivity Revolution,” true revolution will
not arrive as long as he sticks to traditional interests, represented by Japan
Business Federation or Japan Medical Association. While he hopes to take
advantage of abdication of Emperor for constitutional amendment in a positive mood
of new era, necessity of changing the Constitution has not been proved yet.
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